雨傘運動後,
看昔日的廣場,
車來車往,
彷若什麼事也沒有發生過。
經過書店,
買了卡夫卡的小說《城堡》,完整的手稿本,
2014 出版,
台灣姬健梅從德文重新翻譯的。
《城堡》和《紅樓夢》,
都是未完成的作品。
《城堡》的故事,
和一般小說不同。
主角 K 來到城堡下面的村莊,
告訴村民,
他是城堡聘請來的土地測量員,
準備進入城堡。
可是,
官員沒有批准。
在以後的歲月裡,
K 住在村內,
和村民接觸和交往,
漸漸了解他和他們的處境,
但是,
無論 K 怎樣努力,
也無法進入城堡。
關於《城堡》的寓意,
說法言人人殊。例如有說是
「揭露龐大腐敗的官僚制度」,
也有說是「思考生存的問題」、
「宗教寓言」、
「與虛無抗爭」、
「現代人的困境」…
總之都言之成理。
卡夫卡
看完《城堡》,
聯想起雨傘運動中所見所聞,倒有一點和上述評論不同的看法。
先看上面第 12 頁。
K 明確說出他是一個有自由意識的人。
所有村民都沒有自由意識,
全心全意俯首聽命於城堡官員。同一件事情,
由「有自由意識」的 K 說出來,
和「沒有自由意識」的村民說出來,
會完全不同。
K 和村民來來往往
互相「磨合」,
經過百多頁後,
K 的自由意識開始「變化」,
漸漸模糊。
再看差不多是尾聲的第
353 頁。
K
的自由意識已完全消失,
任由村民帶他穿過那一片黑暗。
卡夫卡住過上圖捷克布拉格城堡的 Golden Lane (14)
香港今天,
雨傘運動之前和之後,
除了唯利是圖、
不擇手段的
爪牙和食客之外,
相信有不少市民,
沒有自由的意識,
也沒有人權、民主、法治的意識。
可能因為這個緣故,
這些市民,
到了要爭取真正的普選,
建立民主制度,
鞏固三權分立,
確保法治,
保障自己和所有市民自由的時候,
竟然站到了
千方百計要消滅自由、人權、民主、法治的極權那一邊。
記得很多年前,應該是三十年了.....拉塞俄比亞大飢荒,以萬計的人餓死,美國一羣熱心的歌星合唱了一曲「We are the world」,為該國飢餓兒童寧籌款。美國有位國會議員,得知該國元首專制獨裁,他號召該國人民起來爭取,美國會帶領他們得到民主和自由.....
回覆刪除民生重要還是民主重要呢?有了民主是否是保證了民生?我絕對相信倡導「三民主義」的國父孫中山先生也沒法保証....
最後,拉塞俄比亞的人民說:「給我們麵包好了。」
並不是說他們是第三世界,未發展沒知識,而是說他們知道生存比任何都重要。
八十年代在拉塞俄比亞大飢荒的時候,
刪除最優先的當然是糧食。
.
但如果考慮下列兩個問題:
1..為什麼會出現大飢荒?天災?人禍?
2..大飢荒之後要怎樣做才能避免重蹈覆轍?
.
這樣,
本是民生,
始終又要會回到政治。
.
1994 年,
拉塞俄比亞制憲會議決定國體為聯邦制,
實行三權分立、
議會內閣制、
政教分離。
自此,
拉塞俄比亞走上較穩定的路,
雖然問題仍多,
但在民主政制的平台上,
對解決民生,
以及其他,
似有不斷改善的趨勢。
.
最近美國總統奧巴馬訪問拉塞俄比亞,
拉塞俄比亞總理德薩萊尼表示:
「我們政府承諾,
將致力於民主化進程,
並致力於尊重人權和改善統治方式。」
「言」是如此,
「行」尚待觀察,
但相信德薩萊尼和他的政府,
最低限度
已經有了這樣的意識。
說到民生,
可能糧食和民主,
兩樣都需要。
因為就眼前來說,
要有得吃,
長遠來說,
要持續有得吃。
.
要持續有得吃,
相信民主比極權
較有保証。
.
孫中山先生很有遠見,
一開始就將民權主義列為憲法的基石,
即是為全體國民
引進及確立了民主意識,
改變了大清帝國上溯幾千年必須要帝王極權統治的想法。
在大陸時期,
由於種種原因,
沒有實施,
到了台灣,
也要等到蔣經國晚年
才啟動了總統真普選的「路線圖」,
觀察因果,
這應該和孫中山先生一開始就確立民主意識的遠見
有密切關係。
.
孫中山先生的三民主義,
民族、民權、民生,
是互相關連的。
孫中山先生演講民權主義的時候,
曾引用林肯總統的名言說:
「…做到民有、民治、民享的國家。」
由此看來,
雖然孫中山先生沒有說民主保證民生,
相信他會認為民主和民生有密切關係。
也許,
大飢荒捱過去了,
拉塞俄比亞的人民說:
「我們不要有下一次!」
「我們要保障免于匱乏的自由!」
「我們要民有、民治、民享!」
最後收到一個台灣朋友電郵,
刪除台灣年輕人很多往那裡去旅行,
覺得食物, 風景, 治安等都出乎意外的好。
有朋友去過台灣,
刪除說好。
問為什麼?
答曰:
台灣連接民國,
中間沒有鎮反、肅反、反右、大躍進、大鍊鋼、文革和簡體字,
文化一脈相承,
有民國之風,
自然好。
老雨愚昧得很,我沒有否决民主的重要性,而是想很簡單好知道,民主和民生之間誰孰優先?
刪除香港的長期內耗情況是先要實行「三權分立、議會內閣制、政教分離」;還是有飯吃有屋住有工開呢?
洪兄,對不起!老雨又言多!
民主,
刪除是政府的組織方式。
民生,
是政府的主要工作。
民生層面很多,
例如:
推動經濟,
保持公平公正的營商環境,
維持治安,
辦好教育、
社會福利、
醫療服務,
確保人權、
言論自由、
信仰自由、
免於匱乏的自由、
免於恐懼的自由等。
政府有良好的組織,
才能有良好的工作。
由此觀之,
相信民主與民生,
是平行互動的關係。
香港現時大概已三權分立,
刪除只是岌岌可危。
司法獨立。
立法權尚未完整,
要等待立法會議員全部由普選產生。
行政權亦尚未完整,
要等待行政長官由普選產生。
因此,
為了鞏固三權分立,
要進行兩次政治改革,
即一般說的雙普選。
香港特區政府最近的政改方案,
如果按照基本法,
選舉權和被選舉權,
都是平等和普及的,
相信全體香港市民都會接受,
立法會亦會一致通過。
雨兄,
刪除得你來訪,
又留言討論,
要多謝你才是。
香港網絡現仍開放,
不妨多談多言呀。
久別重逢, 大作終於面世了。
回覆刪除同時又在考驗我的知識和智慧,
.
昨天閱讀了一晚,
今早再閱讀了,
下回應還是要小心翼翼,
生怕留言非所寫意思, 那可笑壞人了。 =.=
卡夫卡何許人也﹖
刪除他的《城堡》 又是怎會事﹖
.
閱讀日誌後, 再上網了解作者,
原來是頗有來頭的人和書。
謝謝你讓我認識了。 ^o^
RoseMary 實在太謙了。
刪除.
以前我只聽過卡夫卡和他的城堡,
沒有看過。
最近,
看得那些新聞多,
總要看看書才能過濾一下湧眼的「鉛水」。
.
見是新譯本,
就看,
以為有點領會,
就噏,
其實都係亂噏而已。
希望我遲下都識UP 下。 ^o^
刪除你懂的。
刪除: )
The castle is one of Kafka's major works. It's continues his exploration of the human condition in the contemporary world first begun with another of his novels "The Trial", where a questing man raised in the rationalist tradition seeks to discover where he stands vis a vis the world in which there's always a mysterious authority which exercises its authority over him without somehow having to account to man why it should have such authority in the first place and why man is treated the way he in fact is treated. As in the previous novel, no satisfactory answer(s) is given to the questing individual even at the end of the novel but at end of the novel the stubborn and indefatiquable quester is forced willy nilly to accept that unsatisfactory condition and to move ahead reluctantly toward continuing living his ordinary mundane existence. It's a never ending quest but that there is a questioner does not necessarily mean that there is a set of "ultimately" satisfactory answers to his questions or even any answers at all!
刪除誰是主宰?
刪除為何被主宰?
能否獨與天地精神相往來?
永遠的提問,
持續的尋索。
也許本來如此,
但不是人人都可以做得到呢。
.
Perhaps there are no satisfactory answers because we are asking the wrong kind of questions (as the questions themselves presuppose that there must somehow be an ultimate authority which governs the universe or at least the universe of mankind eg. the Christian God/Muslim Allah, the HIndu Brahman, the Chinese impersonal principle Tao, the Greek Zeus, the Egyptian Ra etc)
刪除Perhaps ultimately, the world/universe simply "is", full stop.
Hence all conceptions about the nature of the world/universe are purely human mental constructions human beings invented to help them deal with certain practical moral and political problems and to satisfy their cravings for a basis for their values.
前面,
刪除充滿不可預料的事,
要不依不靠,
坦然面對,
對不少人來說,
可能相當困難,
於是宗教來了,
成為暫駐或棲息之所。
「存在」,
建構於腦海之中。
.
也許開始時,
是個別的「存在」,
建構於個別腦海之中。
藉着文字、聲音、圖象...互相溝通,
才形成一個被認為是客觀的「存在」。
是否應該這樣理解「存在」,
本身也是一個問題?
今天,
問題的答案是:
『如是。』
但明天又可能會問,
『「如是。」會不會也是一個暫駐或棲息之所?』
.
The problem you pose was first introduced by Nietzsche to whom there are no facts, only "interpretation" of what reality might be. Then Husserl tried to deal with a prior problem, reality/existence as experienced by an individual in his everyday "life-world", a problem which he thought must be dealt with first before we can further analyze the true meaning of "being/existence". His student Heidegger then raised for the first time, the question of the meaning of "Being/Existence." itself and not merely "how" individual examples of such "Being" is perceived/described by man. Husserl's method of phenomenological "description/reduction" and Heidegger's analysis of "Being/Existence" were adopted and elaborated by Sartre, Camus, etc. and other existential philosophers. For Heidegger, the question of what is the meaning of "Being" is a defining characteristic of a human being, which he called "Dasein" bacause only a human being is capable of raising such a question. Sartre, Camus, Marcel, Jaspers,Merleau-Ponty all provided different "solutions" to the problem of existence, which such novelists as Kafka and Dostoievki also dealt with in their works. To Nietzshce, Sartre, Camus, man does not have an externally given nature or essence (as supposed by Plato, Aristotle, Descartes etc and Christianity) but is open. To them, the purpose and meaning of human existence is open: it's up to each individual to define the purpose and meaning of his own life by what he thinks and how he actually conducts his own life. This is the famous suggestion of Sartre viz. that "existence/being" precedes essence. Human life is an open process, the "me" of tomorrow may but is not necessarily the same as the "me" today. .
刪除correction in the last two lines: "may be,but..."
刪除El Zorro 兄,
刪除多謝你的提示。
也多謝西方的眾多哲學家,
深刻探索「存在」的意義,
讓我們對人生的理解,
進入一個新的層次。
「存在」是開放的,
自由的。
一個具有無限可能的宇宙,
在面前打開,
命運,
由自己決定,
責任,
由自己負起。
這種醒覺,
對現代我們棲身的社會,
以及生活的方式,
帶來重大的影響。
以下你的想法,
我非常認同。
Human life is an open process, the "me" of tomorrow may be, but is not necessarily the same as the "me" today.
也寫下短短一個未必有答案的問題,
回應一下呢。
Who is "me"?
.
That is another problem which has been debated for more than 200o years. The Greeks were the first to seriously investigate this problem. After many debates, the between eg. Heraclitus, Platonists, the Aristotelians won and man was defined as a rational animal, a view adopted by the Christian theologian Thomas Aquinas who added another essence to man> He added to man an "immortal soul" which was supposed to govern the activities of his body and this remain largely the Western view until the Renaissance when David Hume revived the Heracliterian view (a bit like but not exactly like the view of Buddha) viz. that man was a bundle of ever changing sensations and the human "self" was just a linguistic concept which we by convention attach to those succession of bundles of sensations etc. in constant flux but then came along Descartes who posited that man is a dualistic entity consisting of a bodily substance and a mental/spirit substances which God managed to link to each other. But what then is the "self": it changed from being a human soul into a human spirit plus a human body. But to me, it is neither. It is just a concept which man have invented for convenience to refer to various otherwise unconnected phenomena related to the human body, what it thinks and does. Beyond its utility value, it is nothing. But it's a useful "fiction". With this concept, we posit that it should posses certain inalienable human "rights" against the state and must assume certain "duties", and the law presupposes that the actions done by this body at Time 1 is causally related to what it does at Time 2 and in addition posits that "it" possesses a "mind" which is capable to deciding whether a certain action "it" does is "right/wrong" ie. it is a moral entity supposed to be able to retain a certain "identity". Psychologists tell us that this body may be influenced not only by a conscious "mind" but also by certain drives, emotions whose operations occur beneath that "minds"'s consciousness. In short people now think of the human self as an identifiable "entity" with a body, a mind, influenced by certain emotions capable of acting, and to whom we may attach certain rights.duties and which society may reward,/punish as the case may be, an entity capable of entering into contracts which he may honor or break, own properties, enter into certain permanent social union called marriage. Then depending on whether you believe whether the human mind can still operate when a man's brain ceases to function on death, he may or may not continue to be the notional "owner" of his :personal identity/soul in any meaningful way. In short, to me, the "self" is little more than a purely humanly invented "construction".
刪除也許,
刪除要別問我是誰了。
The question of who or what am I is one of the questions most often asked by a thinking person. But strangely, observation shows that no one would ask such questions when everything in his life is running smoothly. They only begin to ask such question when they feel that somehow things are not going the way as they should eg. when we lost our job, is facing the prospects of a divorce, got the shocking news that we got cancer or some other serious illness, met an accident which throw the routine of our normal life into chaos, someone near and dear to us dies or is undergoing a long and painful treatment for some organic and possibly life-threatening disease etc. To me, it is not a question the answer to which they are really interested. It's more in the nature of an expression of their emotion when their life is suddenly thrown out of order. So you are to be congratulated if you stop asking "who am I". That means your life is running smoothly.
刪除對,
刪除愉快生活就是。
K 的自由意識已完全消失, 任由村民帶他穿過那一片黑暗。
回覆刪除.
我相信物以類聚 , 人以群分的道理,特別是大家勢均力敵,
相反, 強弱懸殊,需要群分, 便要掙扎求存。只有同流合污了。
雨傘運動之前和之後,保障自己和所有市民自由的時候,
刪除竟然站到了, 千方百計要消滅自由、人權、民主、法治的極權那一邊。
.
話中有意, 好像有感而發,
我有點不明白, 指教﹗指教﹗
很同意,
刪除在很多很多「沒有自由意識」的人包圍下,
掙扎求存,
自由意識會逐漸隱沒,
這是一件不容易避免的事。
.
K 的自由意識完全消失,
從此,
對 K 來說,
不自由、
被官員操縱、玩弄、欺騙、恐嚇、懲罰...
都會覺得很「順」、
很「理所當然」、
甚至「衷心感恩」呢。
.
因為,
沒有了 A 意識,
一切由 A 意識而來的思考和感受,
都一律沒有了。
.
但是, 我不覺得這種情況在傘後湧然。
刪除只是 「千方百計要消滅自由、人權、民主、法治的極權那一【群】。」
在雨傘後,再「加強」千方百計要消滅自由、人權、民主、法治。
.
係唔係﹖
的確傘前傘後,
刪除都已在密密消滅,
是爪牙和食客的勾當,
但這容易理解。
難以相信的是,
有普通市民,
包括不少高級知識分子,
也參與其事,
一面消滅,
一面痛罵爭取普選的市民。
.
袁國勇指出,
最近三年,
和以往不一樣。
這樣說,
即是情況越來越差了。
雨傘運動,
刪除目的是爭取普選。
.
普選,
基本法有寫明,
中共 1949 年前的文獻又有寫明,
左睇右睇,
普選,
應該是好東西,
非要不可了。
.
普選是建立民主制度,
鞏固三權分立,
確保法治,
保障人權,
保障自由的必要步驟。
.
可是,
為什麼仍有不少人反對「我要真普選」?
.
唔計那些為特權、為私利的人外,
相信有人真心反對「我要真普選」。
.
點解?
.
這可能是一個「有 / 沒有自由意識」的問題。
正是卡夫卡《城堡》給出的啓發。
.
沒有了自由意識,
一切和自由有關的思考,
都會沒有了,
人權、民主、法治的意識,
當然也一併沒有了。
那麼
從「沒有自由意識」的立場來說,
普選不重要,
不需要,
因此在評論雨傘運動時,
對這個和平、理性、非暴力的運動,
作出了極嚴厲的否定。
.
至於
為什麼他們沒有了自由意識,
沒有人權、民主、法治意識,
值得進一步討論。
To me, the point of Kafka's Castle is to demonstrate how little by little the original "will" of the questing individual may be whittled away bit by bit the inexorable delaying tactics of the "authorities" until the will of the questing and striving individual will be completely worn off and he has reluctantly to "accept" the "realities" in the face of which he has become impotent. .
刪除corection: "bit by bit by..."
刪除甚是。
刪除所以看完《城堡》,
有以下的聯想。
有些人接受現實,
但意志沒有磨滅,
可能很痛苦,
也可能很有靭力。
有些人覺得,
意志磨滅了,
在心理方面,
會比較平衡安穩,
因為外內不會再有矛盾衝突。
如何取捨,
見人見智了。
Some people devote their entire life to struggling for the realization of their dream of achieving freedom not only for themselves but for what they think of as "the common good" of the community of which he/she is a part. Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi etc. Such people are exceptional.
刪除Most ordinary people will have to decide what is more important: freedom or livelihood because their resources for the struggle for the realization of their dreams are limited. They only got so much time, energy, intelligence, money, will power and external help from people who think like him/her. It's not an easy decision because it involves a person's value system, values for which they must be prepared to pay a price in terms of what's been called "opportunity costs" and because of the constraint of resources, they can't have both or everything they would like to have. The kind of choice they actually make will define them as a "person", their personal identity.
不要說和 Gandhi、 Nelson Mandela、 Aung San Suu Kyi 等人相比,
刪除就是和大陸的維權人士比,
香港市民
和他們完全冇得比,
甚至不應該比,
因為香港市民在香港法治未全毀之前,
爭取民主,
只不過是參與一些和平、理性、非暴力的溫和行動,
要求履行基本法的承諾。
一句話來說,
是舉手之勞而已。
想要呼吸一口真正自由的空氣,相信還要努力、努力再努力!
回覆刪除題外話,卡夫卡好靚仔呀!^^"
自由可貴,
刪除我們要努力保衛,
否則,
可能會太遲了。
.
天空海闊多好,
卻被關進籠裡。
.
卡夫卡這一張相,
揀得不錯吧。
: )
意味深遠。
回覆刪除一個好的意識沒有了,
刪除什麼好的會做得到?
什麼不好的會做不出來?
Ultimately, the question is how much time, effort and sacrifices are the fighters for freedom prepared to invest in their struggle for the attainment of their stated goals.
回覆刪除In the final analysis, a democratic system is only one of the least bad political systems. It is far from being a panacea for all kinds of problems, many of which are quite pragmatic eg. making a living, paying your bills, caring for your family etc. Resources are always limited: time, money, energy etc. Whether we want to or not, we got to accept there will come a point when one has to decide, taking into account all the relevant factors that it may no longer be the proper time or otherwise realistically feasible to carry on what looks like a war in which one is unlikely to win
這裡試下討論兩個層面:
刪除民生的層面,
制度的層面。
民生的層面,
包括
「衣、食、住、行…」的物質生活,
以及
「文、史、哲、藝術、科學…」的物質生活。
享有或未享有的人,
會問:
「為什麼會有這些?為什麼會冇那些?」
他們可能無法在這一層面去找到解答。
制度的層面,
世界經過了幾千年的歷史長河,
吸取無數教訓,
發展出民主政制。
不是說民主政制是解決所有問題的萬靈丹,
而是提供了一個強調公平、公正、公義,
比較自由、開放的生活環境。
相信這種生活環境,
會比封閉專權的社會,
更容易去解決民生問題。
這兩個層面,
有密切關係,
不能分開而論。
到了今天,
建立民主政制,
已不僅是一個理想,
應從實用功能的角度來看,
民主政制是
保障民生的平台。
接受,
抑或「保持爭取的狀態」,
要看後果。
如果接受某種「似是而非」的安排,
而消滅了「自由、人權、民主、法治」的希望和意識,
則接受會是一個嚴重的錯誤。
香港,
以現在的形勢來說,
相信仍然容許「和平、理性、非暴力」的努力,
去確保現有自由開放的生活環境。
直至雨傘運動,
28對 8,
香港市民仍未爭取到《基本法》所承諾的普選,
但是,
香港市民保留了意識,
保留了種子。
更正:
刪除民生的層面,
包括
「衣、食、住、行…」的物質生活,
以及
「文、史、哲、藝術、科學…」的精神生活。
.
The will to fight and to carry on the struggle for freedom is only one of the factors to be taken into account. It cannot and should not be the only such factor to be taken into account.
回覆刪除香港人,
刪除比起內地人,
由 1949 年計起,
可算早已自由了。
爭取真普選的香港市民,
只是想確保
現有自由開放的生活環境而已。
自由開放的生活環境,
雖然不是唯一要關心的事物,
但總是一切自由「演出」的開放「舞台」。
這樣的「舞台」沒有了,
就無處可以這樣的「演出」了。
The Roman summed up the needs of the ordinary folks: bread and circus.
刪除The political world has never been just. Previously only the king has absolute power. Then aristocracy sought to share certain of his powers,. With the industrial revolution and the rise of the merchants, industrial, professional like bureaucrats, bankers, doctors, architects, engineers, lawyers, petty middle class like shop keepers etc, power percolated down but still the workers and proletariat had little or not power until the Communist Revolutions came along which reversed the trend but in no time especially under the doctrine of Lenin who wanted all powers to be concentrated solely in the hand of the state but in practice in the hands of the Politburo of the Communist Party and the fate of the little folks were worst than that under the previous autocratic imperialist system in Russia. In China, the same thing happened because their political model was based on that of Soviet Russia. Liberty has always been seriously championed by the professionals and wielders of capital in thjeir own interest. Even in America, supposed to be a democratic country, real power is wileded by Big Money and the ordinary people got fleeced left and right. And as far as I can see, the majority of so-called fighters for democracy in HK are a bunch of brainless scoundrels out to rake in the maximum personal profit from their championship of the democratic cause. To them, democracy is just a useful tool which they exploit for personal profit. There are a few exceptions of course. But not many.
correction: seriously championed mainly...
刪除The "modernist" concept of the "self", a view developed during largely during the Enlightenment and which remains the concept still used by most Governments in the West and in Hong Kong, is now being attacked as being based on what such so-called "postmodernists" like Deleuze, Derrida and Foucault. as being based on what they call the "metaphysics of presence' which they regard as untenable presuppositions.
刪除為了保障法治,
刪除為了保障自由開放的生活環境
爭取民主政制,
仍然是應該做的。
Times may be bad. But that doesn't mean that we should give up our hope for fighting for more freedom. if we stop moving, it's just a tactical move. When circumstances give more hope of the probability of success we should move again. We need to wait for another world crisis. perhaps another world financial crisis or a political crisis in the PRC which force people to think seriously again.
刪除孫子兵法有云:
刪除「不動如山。 」
又云:
「疾如風。」
自由意識仍在,
民主政制仍有希望。
.
「這些市民,到了要爭取真正的普選,建立民主制度,鞏固三權分立,確保法治,保障自己和所有市民自由的時候,竟然站到了千方百計要消滅自由、人權、民主、法治的極權那一邊。」
回覆刪除──這是為什麼?解釋只有一個,絕大部份的中國人和香港人都有斯德哥爾摩症候群。
這也解釋了另外一個謎。
刪除.
天天聽,
「起來,
不願做奴隸的人們」,
很多很多人們,
( 聽說有些還淚流血湧 ),
以為自己真的站起來了,
強啊!
卻不知
已經長跪不起
足足 65 年了。
洪大俠好,社會極端形態已出現,真讓人擔心,個人認為政府責任大些,因為管治出了問題,才會有民間的不穩。這種現像回歸前便没有嘛,總不明白人民只知批評人民,不知形態的變壞來自管治的變壞,政府把責任推給學生,推給少數政党,推給甚麽外國勢力,唉!
回覆刪除謝謝月兒,
刪除到訪敝 blog,
這裡多是令人擔心的事情,
實在無可奈何。
很同意政府責任大些,
如處理港視牌照,
相當野蠻無理,
現已由法庭裁定做錯,
要退回行政會重新審議。
在政改方面,
亦明顯太過僵硬,
本來可以作出一些修改,
令「被選舉權」改善一下,
雖不是100% 到位,
但也應有 70% 至 80%,
然後再協商剩下的 30% 或20%
將來如何「優化」,
以及提出明確的時間表。
畢竟基本法承諾了普選,
對香港來說,
是法治的最佳保障,
對中央政府來說,
是維護香港這個無價之寶的世界金融中心的最佳辦法。
就算曾蔭權時代,
政改方案在最後階段
政府提出修改,
雖不是人人滿意,
但最後在立法會通過了。
為什麼這一任政府,
宣稱要「撬票」,
卻由頭至尾,
一絲一毫的餘地也沒有?
怎稱得上有商有量?
有根有據呢?
這一切,
都是欠缺施政能力做成的。
相信冇人在這一任政府上台之前,
會估到出現這樣大的落差。
中秋快樂,幸福如意
回覆刪除今天才回覆你,
刪除很抱歉。
也祝你
生活愉快,
幸福如意。